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Individual Country & Region Reports.
2011 Country Reports on Human
Rights Practices
On January 14, Tunisian president Zine el-Abedine Ben Ali boarded a plane in
Tunis with his family and departed for Saudi Arabia. Twenty-seven days later,
Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak resigned. After eight months of brutal attacks
on Libyans seeking peaceful change, Moammar Qadhafi was overthrown. For the
first time in history, the Yemeni President transferred power through the
ballot box. Forces loyal to Syrian President Bashar al-Asad have committed
heinous and widespread human rights abuses against their own people since March
2011, and yet the protesters have not been cowed.
These still unfolding citizen uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa
have sent aftershocks rumbling around the world. Millions of citizens in many
other countries have also expressed their dissatisfaction with governments that
fail to deliver results to their people. Whether in grand movements or small
acts, people in countries around the world are standing up and demanding their
universal rights, dignity, greater economic opportunity, and participation in
their countries’ political future.
The yearning for change we have witnessed in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen,
and Syria is inspirational, and yet change often creates instability before it
leads to greater respect for democracy and human rights. After decades of
repression, during which open political participation was not allowed, it will
take time to create diverse political parties, a robust civil society, a
climate conducive to freedom of expression, and a transparent political
culture. Transitions are times of uncertainty. They can be chaotic, unstable,
and at times violent. And even when they succeed, they are rarely linear,
quick, or easy. The challenge during these transitions is to keep societies
open to political debate. Protecting human rights and fundamental freedoms
ensures that negotiations over a country’s future can take place without fear
or intimidation, and that anti-democratic forces do not snuff out genuine
political participation. As Secretary Clinton said, “All political parties,
religious and secular alike, have to abide by basic ground rules: reject
violence; uphold the rule of law; respect the freedoms of speech, religion,
association, and assembly; protect the rights of women and minorities; give up
power if you are defeated at the polls; and especially in a region with deep
divisions within and between religions, avoid inciting sectarian conflicts that
pull societies apart.” If these fundamental rules are violated, she warned,
“The victors of revolutions can become their victims.”
In the turmoil of 2011, thousands of citizens were killed across Tunisia,
Egypt, Libya, Bahrain, Yemen, and Syria. Many others were abused by security
forces that used excessive force. But the images of demonstrators who had
seemingly lost all fear, risking their lives to oppose governments they deemed
illegitimate, inspired people around the world. Even in the most isolated
places, the desire for greater freedom and political and economic opportunity
began to flicker.
The year 2011 brought remarkable changes in Burma, long isolated because of
the government’s poor treatment of its own people. In dramatic fashion, the
Burmese government took a number of bold steps to begin the long and difficult
process of political reform and reconciliation with those who have struggled
peacefully for freedom for decades. In last year’s report, we wrote about the
dire situation of hundreds of political prisoners who remained in jail in
Burma, some of whom had been imprisoned for decades for taking part in protests
or simply for reading “subversive” poetry. In October 2011, the government
released more than 200 of these prisoners. As next year’s country report will
cover, in January 2012 the Burmese government released 300 more, including some
who had been detained for many years, and allowed the National League for
Democracy to register and field candidates for parliamentary elections,
including party leader Aung Sun Syu Kyi.
Burma offers an example of a government moving towards a model of greater
openness, democracy, and liberty, attributes that can lead to greater
innovation, prosperity, and inclusion. Much remains to be done to implement
reforms and especially to address the legacy of decades of violence against
ethnic minorities. But the size of the task ahead does not diminish the
excitement of these first steps, or the sense of possibility they may inspire
in other closed societies, such as Iran, North Korea, Uzbekistan, Eritrea, or
Sudan.
Several other countries also took important steps in 2011 toward improving
their human rights records, although more work remains to be done. In Colombia,
the government worked to address the climate of impunity with respect to
harassment, intimidation, and killings of human rights workers, journalists,
teachers, and trade unionists. Extrajudicial killings declined in large measure
due to efforts by the government to stop such crimes. In Zambia, presidential,
parliamentary, and local elections held in September were free, credible, and
orderly. The incumbent president relinquished power and accepted the will of
the Zambian people. In Tunisia, citizens held transparent and credible
elections for a Constituent Assembly, which in turn elected a former political
prisoner as the country’s interim president. The country is now rewriting its
constitution.
Along with such hopeful developments, this report documents a range of
negative developments in 2011. A number of countries became less free as a
result of flawed elections; the imposition by powerful leaders of less
democratic constitutional provisions; restrictions on the universal rights to
freedom of expression, assembly, or association, including on the Internet;
moves to censor or intimidate the media; or attempts to control or curtail the
activities of nongovernmental groups. In Nicaragua, extensive irregularities in
the electoral process marked a setback to democracy and undermined the ability
of Nicaraguans to hold their government accountable.
Other disturbing trends in 2011 include continued persecution of religious
minorities, including, but not limited to, Ahmadis, Bahais, Tibetan Buddhists,
Christians, Jews, and others. In many countries there was an uptick in
discrimination against members of racial and ethnic minorities; people with
disabilities; and lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender (LGBT) people, all of
whom were frequent targets of abuse, discrimination, and violence. In some
countries medical personnel were harassed, intimidated, and arrested. Both
governments and opposition forces tried to prevent humanitarian assistance from
reaching civilians in dire circumstances.
Egypt and Kyrgyzstan held historic elections that were deemed to be
generally free and fair. Yet the elections in these countries, as well as the
standoff following the 2010 presidential election in Cote d’Ivoire, provided a
poignant reminder that elections are a critical but insufficient element in
genuine transitions to democracy and the rule of law. Committed citizens in
each of these countries continued to work toward building the habits and
institutions of democratic governance, including a political culture in which
electoral losers understand they must cede power, and elected representatives
wield power fairly.
Overall human rights conditions remained extremely poor in many of the
countries that were spotlighted in our 2010 country reports, including, but not
limited to, Iran, North Korea, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Syria, Belarus, and
China.
Several broader trends were prominent in 2011. New connective technologies
spread news of citizen activism, and political change, around the world. People
continued to find innovative ways to use technology to break down the walls of
fear and isolation that undemocratic governments erected to try to keep their
populations quiescent. They used these technologies to speak out against
societal discrimination, corruption, and restrictions on civil and political
liberties that are keeping them from enjoying equal rights, dignity, or
respect. Yet repressive regimes also used those same technologies to spy on
their own citizens for the purposes of silencing dissent.
As we consider the implications of connective technologies on human rights
and democracy, we realize that technology itself does not usher in progress on
human rights. People do. Technology can help people exercise their universal
human rights, connect with others across borders, and transcend time zones and
even language barriers. But technology is a platform, not a substitute for
political organizing, advocacy, or persuasion. The Internet does not bring
people into the street. Grievances do. The Internet did not spark the Arab
Spring. Injustice did.
Because the story of how people express themselves, associate with one
another, and share ideas and opinions is increasingly unfolding online,
protecting and promoting Internet freedom is a core priority of the United
States. We report on its status in the pages that follow.
We also report on the status of media freedom, which remained poor in many
countries and declined in others. The year 2011 brought an increase in the
number of journalists and bloggers silenced to death or jail as they attempted
to bring news to the public. These reports also chronicle the many ways in
which some governments attempted to censor the media through regulations or
laws that are contrary to the universal right to freedom of expression and
opinion, and through harassment, intimidation, or violence. In Ecuador and
Venezuela, government actions against independent media outlets had a chilling
effect on media freedom.
This year’s reports highlight the treatment of marginalized people,
including LGBT people and people with disabilities. Too many countries still
criminalize consensual same-sex sexual activity, and LGBT people face
discrimination and violence in many more countries. We continue to focus on
other vulnerable populations, including women and children. Domestic and
societal violence and discrimination against women continue to be serious
problems in many countries. Women and children are often the first to suffer
during conflicts.
In addition, we continue to monitor challenges to civil society
organizations promoting respect for human rights and democratic transitions in
their own countries. In last year’s Human Rights Reports, we noted a surge in
efforts by repressive governments to control and stifle independent
non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Over the last several years, more than
90 governments have sought to pass laws that hampered the ability of NGOs to
register, operate freely, or receive foreign funding. In a number of countries,
including Egypt, Ethiopia, Malaysia, Algeria, Cambodia, and Russia, governments
have imposed or threatened greater restrictions on foreign funding of these
organizations, taken other measures that severely hamper their operations, or
sought to intimidate them or shut them down completely. In many other places,
the work of these organizations is misunderstood, or actively misrepresented by
insecure governments that fear independent scrutiny of their actions. These
trends intensified in 2011, when we saw a sharp escalation of official
restrictions on the work of human rights and democracy advocates.
As President Obama has said, societies change from within. Civil society
organizations lead that change by engaging citizens in conversations about how
people want to be governed. These organizations spotlight human rights abuses,
fight discrimination, and monitor whether authorities are upholding the rule of
law. They speak out against the exclusion, persecution, or hatred of vulnerable
minorities, and document where their societies fall short. By holding up a
mirror to society, they ask their governments and their citizens to do better
and to be better. In all of these ways, civil society groups are the lifeblood
of free and open societies, and they are most vital in countries where
democratic traditions and institutions are just beginning to take root.
The events of 2011, as documented in these pages, remind us once again that
human rights and global security are inextricably linked. From Tunis to Tehran,
from Cairo to California, from Moscow to Rangoon, citizens were ever more
interconnected and so were the interrelationships between their freedoms, economic
opportunity, and the security and prosperity of their societies.
Around the world, we see that where human rights are consistently abused or
threatened, by authorities or by criminal, sectarian, or other undemocratic
groups that enjoy impunity, the result is frequently political strife, economic
contraction, and destabilization that too often spills across borders. In
contrast, where human rights are respected, the rule of law is enforced, and
government actions are transparent, societies are more stable and secure.
People who feel empowered to engage in the political process and who see their
rights respected are less likely to join extremist groups that threaten
domestic tranquility and international stability.
They gradually develop a greater trust of their government and feel a
greater stake in the success of the system. In this way, respect for human
rights builds political stability and lays the foundations for democratization,
economic growth, shared prosperity, and enhanced global security.
This critical connection between human rights and national security plays
out repeatedly in the pages that follow. It will continue to play out in the
transitions to democracy occurring in the Arab world and beyond. The people who
took to the streets to demonstrate in Tunis, Cairo, Tripoli, and Sanaa have
proven that change can come without turning to extremism. In 2011 we saw too
many governments crack down in the name of restoring order when their citizens
demanded universal human rights and a voice in how they were governed. These
acts of repression triggered more confrontation, more chaos, and ultimately
greater instability. The events of the year showed that the real choice is not
between stability and security; it is between reform and unrest.
I want to add a word about the production of these reports. Each year, they
are prepared by human rights officers at U.S. embassies and other posts around
the world, working with their counterparts in Washington, D.C. Each country
team collects, analyzes, and synthesizes information from a variety of sources,
including domestic and international human rights organizations, other
governments, multilateral organizations, and members of civil society. Once the
reports are drafted, they are rigorously edited, reviewed, and fact-checked to
ensure accuracy and objectivity.
This year, we made the human rights reports easier to read online. Readers
can jump directly to topics of interest with a new table of contents, share
reports on social media, and research topics across countries with the Build
a Report tool. Our goal is to allow readers to gather information quickly
across regions on the issues that most interest them.
We have also attempted to make the reports more accessible to a broader
spectrum of readers. Over the past 35 years, the length of the human rights
reports had expanded, even as Congress mandated separate annual reports on the
status of international religious freedom and human trafficking. This year, we
have developed a streamlined format for each country report. As a result, we do
not attempt to catalog every incidence, however egregious, of a particular type
of human rights abuse in a country. Rather, we spotlight examples that typify
and illuminate the types of problems frequently reported in 2011 in that
country. The mention of fewer cases in a particular report should not be
interpreted as a lessening of concern for the overall human rights situation in
any particular country. Rather, our goal is to shed light on the nature, scope,
and severity of the reported human rights abuses. For the first time, we have
also added an executive summary at the top of each report. We hope readers will
find these changes useful.
Respectfully submitted,
Michael H. Posner
Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor
2011 Country
Highlights
Africa
Internal conflicts in the East, particularly in the North and South Kivu and
Orientale provinces, continued to plague the Democratic Republic of Congo. Human
rights abuses were committed by all parties to the conflict. Reported human
rights abuses included killings, disappearances, and torture. Rebel and militia
groups and some army units engaged in the illegal exploitation and trade of
natural resources in the east. Foreign rebel and militia groups and some local
militias formed coalitions, battled government forces, and attacked civilian
populations. State security forces arrested, illegally detained, raped,
tortured, or summarily executed civilians and looted villages during military
actions against rebels. Fighting in the East impeded humanitarian aid in some
areas, exacerbating an already severe humanitarian crisis that affects some 1.7
million displaced persons. Impunity remained a significant problem. The deeply
flawed election in November was accompanied by disappearances and restrictions
on freedoms of assembly, expression and movement.
Widespread human rights violations continued in Eritrea, where the
government is under the control of authoritarian President Isaias Afwerki. The
government forced men and women to participate in the national service program
from which there were no clear criteria for demobilization, and persons worked
indefinitely in any location or capacity chosen by the government. Security
forces tortured and beat army deserters, draft evaders, persons attempting to
flee the country, and members of certain religious groups. Harsh prison and
detention center conditions, which included unventilated and underground cells
with extreme temperatures, led to multiple deaths. The government controlled
all media. It reportedly continued to detain more than 30 journalists,
providing no information about their places of detention.
In Ethiopia, the government continued to repress civil society,
including the media. The government arrested more than 100 opposition figures,
activists, journalists, and bloggers, charging several of those arrested with
terrorist or seditious activity. However, observers found the evidence
presented at trials to be either open to interpretation or indicative of acts
of a political nature rather than linked to terrorism. The Charities and
Societies Proclamation (CSO law) continued to impose severe restrictions on
civil society and NGO activities. As a result of the law, civil society activities
have been severely curtailed. The government also restricted access to the
Internet and blocked the websites of news organizations, opposition sites, and
blogs.
In Nigeria, a campaign of attacks by the radical Islamist sect known
as Boko Haram intensified during the year and violence spread to more areas of
the country. The group committed bombings and drive-by shootings, assassinated
religious leaders, security personnel and politicians, attacked police stations
and banks, and conducted suicide bombings. In Maiduguri, Borno State, shootings
and bombings were a weekly and sometimes daily occurrence, with violence also
occurring in neighboring states. In August, Boko Haram targeted an
international organization for the first time, bombing the UN House headquarters
in Abuja and killing 24 persons. The government deployed the Joint Task Force,
which committed extrajudicial killings during attempts to apprehend Boko Haram
members. The April 2011 general elections were Nigeria’s most successful since
its return to multiparty democracy in 1999. However, postelection violence
erupted in the north and in the Middle Belt States, resulting in loss of lives,
property damage, and restrictions of movement.
The Government of Sudan continued to conduct aerial bombardment of
civilian areas. In Darfur, fighting involved government forces,
government-aligned militias, rebel groups, and ethnic groups. These groups
killed, injured, and raped civilians, and used child soldiers. During the year
violence broke-out in the disputed border area of Abyei, as well as in the
Sudanese states of Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile. The violence in these areas
resulted in widespread civilian displacement and human rights abuses. Human
rights abuses in Sudan went unpunished and impunity remained a serious problem.
Parties to the conflicts obstructed the work of humanitarian organizations and
the United Nations. In addition, the government also continued to crack down on
journalists and restrict freedoms of speech, assembly, association, religion,
and movement, and security forces continued to kill, torture, beat, and harass
suspected political opponents and others.
In Zimbabwe, the chronically bad human rights situation did not
improve. Despite a fledgling Government of National Unity, the government
remains mostly under the control of President Mugabe’s political party,
Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), which retains
authority over the military, police and intelligence services. These security
services continued to arrest, abuse, and torture non-ZANU-PF party members and
civil society activists with impunity. The government infringed on citizens’
freedoms of speech, assembly, association, and movement. Executive influence
and interference in the judiciary remained a serious problem, and NGOs reported
that magistrates were promised farms and homes for providing rulings favorable
to ZANU-PF. In rural areas ZANU-PF sympathizers used threats and intimidation
against local magistrates to gain favorable rulings.
East Asia and Pacific
Burma took important steps to improve human rights conditions in
2011, including the release of hundreds of political prisoners and the adoption
of a labor law that, when implemented, can provide workers the right to
organize and strike. In November, following the adoption of a revised political
party registration law, Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy and
other opposition parties were allowed to re-register as legal political
parties. However, significant human rights problems persisted, including
military harassment and abuse of activists promoting human rights and
democracy, and denial of the rights to freedom of expression, association,
assembly, religion, and movement. The government detained activists
indefinitely and without charges and regime-sponsored mass-member organizations
harassed and abused them. Authorities arrested, detained, convicted, and
imprisoned citizens for expressing political opinions critical of the
government. The government took initial steps in 2011 toward lifting some of
the longtime restrictions on the media. If implemented, these measures would
lay the groundwork for meaningful freedom of expression in the country.
In China, the human rights situation deteriorated, particularly the
freedoms of expression, assembly, and association. The government exercised
tight control over Internet access and content. Members of civil society,
including human rights activists, journalists, writers, and dissidents, were
harassed and detained. Public interest lawyers who took cases deemed sensitive
by the government faced disbarment and the closure of their firms, and in some
cases were subject to arrest and detention. Activists, dissidents, and members
of religious minorities were denied the freedoms to assemble, practice their
religions, or travel. The government stepped up efforts to silence political
activists and resorted to extralegal measures, including enforced
disappearance, “soft detention,” and strict house arrest, including house
arrest of family members, to prevent the public voicing of independent
opinions. Abuses peaked around high-profile events, such as visits of foreign
officials, sensitive anniversaries, and in response to calls for “Jasmine
revolution,” protests. In Tibet, at least 12 monks and nuns immolated
themselves to protest political restrictions and lack of religious freedom.
Vietnam’s May elections were neither free nor fair, since all
candidates were required to pass vetting by the authorities. The government
severely restricted political rights, including the freedoms of expression,
assembly, movement, and association. It also restricted access to Internet
content, and monitored bloggers. There were confirmed reports of attacks
against websites critical of the Vietnamese government. Peaceful political
activists were arbitrarily arrested, detained, and sentenced to prison; those
alleged to have ties to foreign-based pro-democracy groups were particular
targets. And 19 people reportedly died in police custody, including a man
beaten while in detention for a traffic violation. At year’s end, the
government reportedly held more than 100 political detainees, although some
international observers claimed there were more. Independent nongovernmental
organizations were not permitted, and corruption was a problem in the judiciary
as well as at various levels in the police. Prosecution of officials who
committed abuses was inconsistent.
Europe
Conditions in Belarus remained poor following the flawed presidential
election of December 2010. Security forces beat protestors and detainees, and
there were credible reports of torture. Trials were conducted behind closed
doors or in absentia with verdicts predetermined. Five of the nine candidates
who opposed incumbent Alyaksandr Lukashenka in the presidential election were
tried and convicted. Individuals were detained for civic activism. For example,
during the June-September “silent” demonstrations organized via Internet,
police detained more than 2,000 people and sentenced many of them to large
fines or up to 15 days of administrative detention. The government targeted for
harassment representatives of nongovernmental organizations, journalists, and
political activists following the presidential elections and further restricted
freedom of association.
In Russia, domestic and international monitors reported significant
irregularities and fraud in many regions during the December elections to the
State Duma, but also highlighted unprecedented civic involvement by Russians
committed to trying to improve the process. There were large demonstrations in
major cities protesting the conduct of the elections. While freedom of
expression on the Internet and in some print media continued, self-censorship
and the government’s ownership of and pressure on some print and most broadcast
media outlets limited political discourse. Attacks on and killings of
journalists and activists continued. Individuals who challenged the government
or well-connected business interests sometimes faced physical attack,
harassment, increased scrutiny from government regulatory agencies,
politically-motivated prosecutions, harsh detention conditions, and other forms
of pressure. In the North Caucasus, the conflict among the government and
insurgents, Islamist militants, and criminal elements led to numerous human
rights abuses by security forces and insurgents.
In Ukraine, former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko and 12 other
senior members of her government were charged with abuse of power and misuse of
state funds during their tenure. Three have been convicted, including
Tymoshenko and former interior minister Yuriy Lutsenko. Two others remain in
custody, and the former minister of the economy, Bohdan Danylyshyn, fled the
country and was granted political asylum in the Czech Republic. Many domestic
and foreign observers considered the prosecutions to be politically motivated.
Near East
In Bahrain, mass protests began in February calling for political
reform and expanded civil rights for members the Shia majority. The government
imposed a state of emergency, or “State of National Safety,” from March 15 to
June 1, during which time military and civilian security forces committed a
number of human rights violations, including torture, arbitrary detentions,
limitations on freedoms of speech and association, and lack of due process.
Public employees were dismissed from their jobs for participating in protests,
and individuals were prosecuted in both state security courts and civilian
courts. In July, the king established the Bahrain Independent Commission of
Inquiry (BICI), which determined that 13 Bahraini civilians died at the hands
of security forces and an additional five as a result of torture. Individuals
who expressed critical opinions, including through music and social media,
faced arrest, were subjected to extended detention, or prosecution. In its
November 23 report, the BICI described a “culture of impunity” created by a
lack of accountability of security officials during the unrest. Over the course
of 2011, some political prisoners were released and some dismissed employees
were reinstated, but other prosecutions of journalists, activists, and
oppositions figures for their alleged anti-government activities continued.
After the release of the report, the government began to take steps to
implement the recommendations of the BICI, such as allowing access to prisons
by the International Committee of the Red Cross, establishing a process to
address worker reinstatements in collaboration with the trade union and
employers, and restructuring oversight mechanisms in the Ministry of Interior
and Bahrain National Security Agency.
In Egypt, massive street demonstrations culminated in the February 11
resignation of President Hosni Mubarak and the transfer of executive authority
to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. A March 2011 referendum for a new
constitution, and voting in parliamentary elections conducted from November
2011 through February 2012, were considered the freest in decades. However,
human rights abuses were rampant during the uprising and continued after
Mubarak’s resignation. Attacks on demonstrators by security forces and clashes
among demonstrators killed more than 900 people; female protesters were
subjected to harassment and so-called “virginity tests,” and journalists and
bloggers were detained for criticizing the military. Sectarian violence
escalated over the course of the year, with more than 90 people, primarily
Coptic Christians, killed in religious clashes. Few perpetrators of abuses were
held accountable.
The government of Iran continued to deny its citizens human rights,
including the freedoms of expression, assembly, association, movement, and
religion. It sentenced hundreds of people to death and carried out hundreds of
executions without due process. It cracked down on all forms of dissent,
arresting and detaining activists, opposition leaders, lawyers, journalists,
artists, and academics. It executed juveniles, tortured political prisoners,
and detained more journalists than nearly any country in the world. It limited
the rights of citizens to peacefully change their government through free and
fair elections, and also placed under house arrest for most of the year the two
leaders of the main opposition movement, arbitrarily arrested their supporters,
closed their websites and newspapers, and harassed their families. The Iranian
government arrested, tortured, and prosecuted many for dissent, including
demonstrators who rallied in solidarity with protesters in Tunisia and Egypt.
It continued to mistreat women, LGBT people, and members of ethnic and
religious minorities. Government officials made anti-Semitic statements, and
disproportionately targeted members of minority groups, including Kurds, Arabs,
Azeris, and Baluchis, for arbitrary arrest, prolonged detention, and physical
abuse. The government also isolated its citizens by imposing severe
restrictions on the Internet.
Iraq’s most significant human rights abuses included reports of
unlawful killings and violence, torture, impunity, disappearances, and
widespread corruption. Abuses were committed by sectarian and ethnic armed
groups and government-affiliated forces. Both terrorist groups, principally
Sunni, such as al-Qaida in Iraq, and militant organizations, largely Shia,
committed attacks against members of other sects or ethnic groups, security
forces, places of worship, religious pilgrims, economic infrastructure, and
government officials. Through suicide bombings, attacks with improvised
explosive devices, drive-by shootings, and other acts of violence, the groups
aimed to weaken the government and deepen sectarian divisions.
In Libya, a revolution ended the Qadhafi regime, which perpetrated
systematic human rights abuses throughout its four-decade rule and was also
responsible for the majority of civilian deaths and abuses during the
seven-month conflict in 2011. Abuses were committed by various actors in 2011,
including after the conflict, and often with impunity. These included
disappearances, extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests, abuse and lack of
review in detention, and violence and widespread discrimination against
migrants and members of some ethnic minorities. Following Qadhafi’s death on
October 20 and the takeover of his last stronghold in Sirte, the Transitional
National Council declared the country’s “liberation” on October 23 and remained
an arm of the interim government engaged in transition planning. The interim
Government of Libya expressed support for the protection of human rights for
all people in Libya, but due to weak institutions, limited capacity, and a lack
of control over the security environment, its ability to enforce the rule of
law was limited. Continuing violence, organizational dysfunction, and
corruption led to ongoing human rights abuses, particularly in the areas
outside government control.
In Syria, nonviolent antigovernment demonstrations began in mid-March
and continued throughout 2011. The government of President al-Asad used
indiscriminate and deadly force to quell peaceful protests throughout the
country and launched military assaults on several of its own cities. Government
forces deprived cities of electricity, water, and medical services, and
restricted entry and exit for approximately 20 days while using military
weaponry on buildings, mosques, and other civilian targets. Despite the regime’s
November 2 agreement to an Arab League plan to engage in reforms and cease
killing civilians, it continued to use deadly force against peaceful
protesters. At the year’s end, activists reported ongoing arrests, torture,
intimidation, rape, extra-judicial killings and the use of military force
against civilians. The government attempted to stop the flow of information
about state violence, including by banning smart phones that had been used to
document state violence against civilians, including children. Nonetheless,
images of protesters allegedly being beaten, arrested, and killed continued to
be smuggled out of the country and to appear on social media sites such as
YouTube and Facebook. As next year’s Human Rights Reports will cover, the
situation deteriorated sharply early this year, with the government waging
massive military operations against cities and towns, and laying siege to Homs
and other cities. As of March, the United Nations estimated that more than
9,000 civilians had been killed since the beginning of the demonstrations.
Efforts by the International Committee of the Red Cross to provide humanitarian
assistance and medical care to besieged civilians were frequently thwarted by
state forces.
The Arab Spring began in Tunisia in December 2010, when a young
vendor named Mohammed Bouazizi set himself on fire in front of the headquarters
of the provincial government to protest the confiscation of his goods by the
police and the refusal of local officials to hear his complaint. That action, and
the weeks of protests it sparked, ultimately toppled the Ben Ali regime. On
October 23, a Constituent Assembly, the body that will draft a new constitution
and appoint a new interim government, was elected. The proceedings were
considered free and fair and marked the first open, inclusive, and truly
democratic election in Tunisia’s history. Overall, the January Revolution
created an extraordinary opening for the protection of human rights in Tunisia.
Under Ben Ali’s 23-year dictatorship, human rights were systematically ignored.
After the Revolution, restrictions on freedom of expression, assembly, and
association diminished significantly. Exiled activists returned, political
prisoners were released, and civil society and human rights activists pursued their
work without disruption or intimidation by the state.
South and Central
Asia
Afghanistan experienced continuing human rights challenges in 2011,
including armed insurgent groups’ killings of persons affiliated with the
government and indiscriminate attacks on civilians. Corruption was pervasive.
International organizations documented cases of alleged torture and abuse of
detainees by the National Directorate for Security and Afghan National Police.
Violence and discrimination against Afghan women and girls remained widespread,
and in many cases, the police did not respond to such abuses. Women active in
public life faced threats and violence and were attacked by the Taliban and
other insurgents. A political dispute continued during the year over President
Karzai’s appointment of a special tribunal, not envisioned in the constitution,
to adjudicate the disputed 2010 election results, until it was resolved in
accordance with Afghan law in August.
In October, Kyrgyzstan experienced its first peaceful transfer of
power in the republic’s 20-year history. The elections, in which Almazbek
Atambayev, the sitting prime minister, became president, were deemed generally
transparent and competitive by independent observers. Ethnic tensions that had
erupted in clashes in the south of Kyrgyzstan in 2010 continued in 2011, as did
pervasive discrimination against ethnic Uzbeks and members of other minority
groups. Law enforcement officers in the south reportedly committed such
violations as arbitrary arrest, mistreatment, torture, and extortion against
all demographic groups, but particularly against ethnic Uzbeks. The central
government’s inability to hold human rights violators accountable allowed
security forces to act arbitrarily, emboldening law enforcement to prey on vulnerable
citizens. Further, the weakness of central authority empowered mobs to disrupt
dozens of trials by attacking defendants, attorneys, witnesses, and judges.
Pakistan continued to struggle with extrajudicial killings, torture,
and forced disappearances committed by security forces and by extremist or
separatist groups. These affected thousands of citizens in nearly all areas of
the country. Both militant, terrorist, or extremist groups and security forces
committed human rights abuses. Religious tensions remained high. On January 4,
Punjab Governor Salman Taseer was assassinated by his bodyguard because of his
opposition to the blasphemy law, which was used to clamp down on freedoms of
expression and religion. On March 2, Federal Minister for Minorities Shabbaz
Bhatti, the only Christian in the Pakistani Cabinet, was shot to death. Bhatti
also was an outspoken critic of the blasphemy law. The political, sectarian,
and ethnic violence that has long plagued Karachi worsened during the year due
in part to a large influx of Sindhi, Baloch, and Pashtun migrants following the
2005 earthquake and 2010 floods. Political parties and their affiliated gangs
vied for political and economic control over these new populations. It was
estimated that between 925 and 1,400 persons were killed due to sectarian and
political violence in Karachi between January and August.
In Sri Lanka, disappearances and killings pro-government paramilitary
groups continued, predominantly in Tamil areas. There were persistent reports
of close, ground-level ties between paramilitary groups and government security
forces. Civil society activists, persons viewed as Liberation Tigers of Tamil
Eelam sympathizers, and journalists were attacked, intimidated or harassed by
persons allegedly tied to the government. Torture and abuse of detainees and
poor prison conditions remained a problem, and authorities arbitrarily arrested
and detained citizens. A number of suspects died in detention under
questionable circumstances. There was official impunity for a wide range of
such human rights abuses. The president used his authority under the 18th
Amendment, which passed in September 2010, to take greater control of
appointments to previously independent public institutions that oversee
compliance by the judiciary and the police, and with Sri Lanka’s human rights
obligations. A disproportionate number of victims of human rights abuses were
Tamils.
In Uzbekistan, the centralized executive branch dominated political
life and exercised nearly complete control over the other branches of
government. Security forces reportedly tortured and abused detainees. Criminal
suspects were denied due process and fair trial. Religious freedom was
restricted, and religious minority group members were harassed and imprisoned.
Other continuing human rights problems included: incommunicado and prolonged
detention; harsh and sometimes life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary
arrest and detention; restrictions on freedoms of speech, assembly, and
association; governmental restrictions on civil society activity; restrictions
on freedom of movement; restrictions on the media; violence against women; and
government-organized forced labor in cotton harvesting. Authorities subjected
human rights activists, journalists, and others who criticized the government
to harassment, arbitrary arrest, and politically motivated prosecution and
detention. Government officials frequently engaged in corrupt practices with
impunity.
Western Hemisphere
In Cuba, the government continued its systemic repression of human
rights and fundamental freedoms, including freedoms of speech, assembly, and
association, and imposed severe restrictions on the media. The government
strictly controlled all access to information. Human rights advocates were
detained arbitrarily with increasing frequency; the number of short-term
detentions doubled from 2010 to 2011. The government continued to organize mobs
intended to intimidate opposition groups, particularly the Damas de Blanco
(“Ladies in White”). These acts of repudiation (“actos de repudio”) were
particularly aggressive in July and August, and in October the government
belied its claim that the mobs were spontaneous by announcing that it would
deploy them to prevent the Damas de Blanco from marching peacefully. Government
officials and government-organized mobs detained, harassed, and assaulted
dozens of peaceful human rights activists, journalists, and others to prevent
them from marking Human Rights Day on December 10. Almost 800 detentions were
recorded in December, a 30-year high.
Honduras had an extremely high murder rate, and crime and human
rights abuses continued at very high levels. As in much of Central America,
violence was perpetrated by gangs and drug trafficking organizations, and was a
significant problem. The Honduran police force had deep-seated and unaddressed
corruption problems, and police officers targeted vulnerable persons, including
LGBT people. Four journalists were murdered. On December 7, unknown gunmen on a
motorcycle shot and killed former senior government advisor on security Alfredo
Landaverde. In the weeks preceding his death, Landaverde alleged that the
National Police leadership was linked to organized crime and called for a
clean-up. Police, vigilantes, and former members of the security forces carried
out arbitrary and summary killings. The Honduran government established an
independent internal affairs office and an outside police reform commission to
address corruption in the National Police. In the Bajo Aguan region, there
continued to be reports of killings of private security guards, agricultural
workers, and security forces related to a land dispute.
In Mexico, the most serious human rights challenges in 2011 emanated
from the country’s fight against organized crime, which involved frequent
clashes between security forces and drug cartels, which function as
transnational criminal organizations (TCOs). Both TCOs and the gangs linked to
them battled for control of drug trafficking routes and markets. TCOs remained the
most significant perpetrator of violent crimes in Mexico. They engaged in human
trafficking and used brutal tactics against citizens, including inhumane
treatment, murder, and widespread intimidation. TCOs had a chilling effect on
the media, executing bloggers who reported on their activities and threatening
journalists who criticized them. In Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas, TCOs killed two
bloggers in September and posted messages on their bodies warning of
retaliation against anyone commenting about their activities on social media. A
third Nuevo Laredo blogger was allegedly beaten and then killed in November,
again in retaliation for posting comments on the Internet about local drug
cartels. In the context of the fight against TCOs, but also at times unrelated
to it, security forces reportedly engaged in unlawful killings, forced
disappearances, and instances of physical abuse and torture.
In Venezuela, there was an accelerating concentration of power in the
executive branch. President Chavez used a December 2010 law granting him broad
authority to decree laws for a period of 18 months without consultation or
approval by the elected National Assembly, to decree restrictions to
fundamental economic and property rights. The government also took actions to
impede freedom of expression and criminalize dissent. It harassed and
intimidated privately owned television stations, other media outlets, and
journalists throughout the year, using threats, fines, property seizures,
targeted regulations, and criminal investigations and prosecutions.
Anti-Semitism colored official media attacks on opponents. The government used
the judiciary to intimidate and prosecute political, union, business, and civil
society leaders who were critical of government policies or actions.
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