WUNRN
Mozambique
is a country in Southeast Africa bordered by the Indian
Ocean to the east, Tanzania to the north, Malawi and Zambia to the
northwest, Zimbabwe
to the west, and Swaziland and South
Africa to the southwest.
MOZAMBIQUE – A LAND OF
CONTRADICTIONS FOR WOMEN
–
Mozambique
is a land of contradictions for women.
Women were active in the independence struggle. Strong female civic
leaders, like Graça Machel, participate actively in public life. And the
government unequivocally supports international norms on women’s equality, such
as the Beijing Platform for Action and the Millennium Development Goals. Even
the UN Website in Mozambique proudly asserts “there is a juridical, political
and institutional structure in Mozambique favourable to the promotion of gender
issues and the empowerment of women.”
Yet Mozambique remains a very difficult place for girls and women.
Female literacy rates, their education attainment and poverty levels, and
their health outcomes are appalling. Sexual and physical abuse is
widespread. It has one of the world’s highest rates of child
marriage. Sexual assault in school is common, from boys as well as some
teachers who demand sex as a condition for grade promotion.
Clearly the rights of women and girls are not respected, protected, or even
properly understood.
Recent actions by Mozambique’s Parliament underscore this point. A
revised Penal Code, clearly violating the fundamental rights of women and
girls, passed through one reading in Parliament last December with no signs of
dissent. Most shocking: the Speaker and 39% of the Parliamentarians are
women.
Article 223 of the proposed code is entitled “Effects of Marriage.” It
states that a rapist will not be prosecuted if he marries the girl or woman
victim, provided he stays married to her for five years. Other
problematic elements include its failure to recognize marital rape,
non-conformity to the international definition of a child as under 18 years,
failure to acknowledge discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, and incomplete
definitions of sexual harassment.
The offending article will hopefully not be in the final version of the
Penal Code. Civil society groups organized a protest. Donors
forcefully objected. Parliamentarians visiting from Canada expressed their
dismay. In response to this bad publicity, the chair of the Parliamentary
Committee claimed it was a misunderstanding – the problematic elements of the
Code had already been removed months ago. Parliament just
neglected to publicize these changes. His response strains credulity, but
shows that pressure works.
Yet an important question remains: how could Parliament have even considered
this Article? Was it an oversight, where Parliamentarians missed it in a
complex and lengthy piece of legislation? Or a reflection of Mozambique’s
culture that outsiders cannot understand? Or an indictment of national
and international efforts to promote gender equality?
Retaining Article 223 was no mistake. Mozambique’s Penal Code remains
a relic from Portugal, the colonial power. The colonial Code included
Article 223, but it was not implemented. Civil servants revised the code
and sent it to Parliament in 2008. Activists assured me that the civil
servants’ version did not include Article 223. Between 2008 and 2013,
Parliament undertook discussions with community and religious leaders.
Only then did Article 223 reappear.
But why add this clause? Some Parliamentarians argued that
Mozambique’s culture warrants Article 223. Mozambique remains a
patriarchal society where polygamy is common and girls and women are seen as
the property of their family or husbands. Rape victims – particularly
girls – are frequently ostracized. For cultural apologists, allowing the
rapist to marry his victims provides them with some social and economic
protection.
What of Mozambique’s rhetorical commitment to gender equality? Is this
a signal of national indifference to gender equality? Or does civil
society’s opposition to the bill show the strength of this commitment?
Fighting patriarchy is grueling. Mozambique’s civil society groups
deserve much credit for leading the fight against Article 223. Activists have
shoestring budgets and are roundly criticized for their efforts. Their
work is lonely and difficult, their battle is definitely uphill, and the
outcome is not certain.
But what of international efforts to promote women’s rights, and support
this work? In New York and Geneva, country representatives debate
progressive norms that promote the equality of men and women, recognize the
constraints to women’s empowerment, and acknowledge the ordeals of the girl
child and adolescent girls.
Yet in countries like Mozambique, the international community focuses on
indicators: increasing the numbers of girls in school; pregnant women receiving
medical care; breastfeeding mothers receiving anti-retrovirals; and the number
of women in parliament. In the era of the Paris Principles and the MDGS,
funding is targeted to meet indicators, and resources are channeled through
governments – even patriarchal ones.
This process builds a ‘gender equality skeleton.’ An institutional structure
is created (e.g. women in Parliament), and targeted interventions work towards
achieving outcomes of a more equal society (e.g. by meeting indicators on educating
girls and maternal health). The approach to gender equality is – build
it, and it will come.
Yet this conveniently avoids confronting patriarchal structures and
difficult conversations about gendered behaviours and roles. In some
Islamic countries where insurgent groups use the fight against women’s rights
as a mobilizing tool, this approach may have strategic short-term benefits.
It also ensures accountability for development programs.
But in Mozambique and many other countries around the world, cultural norms
and traditional roles devalue and denigrate women and girls, and undermine and
restrict their social status, livelihood opportunities, behaviours and
freedoms.
Too often we avoid directly challenging these cultural norms for fear of
being insensitive to local circumstances and disrespectful of national
traditions. But cultural norms are not sacred cows. Particularly if
they hurt women and girls. Nor is culture homogenous or rigid – it can
change.
So to truly promote gender equality, the international community must do
more than preach the gospel in New York while quietly establishing checklists
of technical indicators. We must loudly and unequivocally promote the
equality of men and women and the rights of girls and boys. National
groups should receive the financial support necessary to lead this advocacy and
to facilitate debate on the implications of those rights.
Women’s rights have never been realized without a fight. That fight
may not be pleasant. It will be uncomfortable. And it cannot be
encapsulated in a graph plotting progress on indicators. But as Article
223 shows, without changing mindsets, we could so easily regress. And
that is something the women of Mozambique and other developing countries cannot
afford.
*Valerie Percival is Assistant Professor at the
Norman Paterson School of International Affairs at Carleton University.
She is currently on sabbatical, living in Mozambique. Her most recent
research focuses on gender and health systems in post-conflict
contexts.
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