India – Devadasi “Temple Virgins” – Prostitution – HIV/AIDS
Author: Womens UN Report Network
Date: September 24, 2007
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India – Devadasi
Wikipedia,
Devadasis (Sanskrit: देवदासी,
translation:
“Servant of God”) are cult
prostitutes in the service of the Yellamma, the Hindu goddess of
fertility.[1]
The term “Devadasi” originally described a Hindu religious
practice in which girls were “married” to a deity.In addition to
taking care of the temple, they learned and practiced Bharatanatyam
and other classical Indian arts traditions, and enjoyed a high social status.
Following the demise of the great Hindu kingdoms the practice degenerated.
Pressure from the colonial “reform” movement led to suppression of
the practice. Adherents of this movement considered devadasis immoral since
they engaged in sex outside of the traditional concept of marriage, and
described them as prostitutes. As a result of these social changes, devadasis
were left without their traditional means of support and patronage. Colonial
views on Devadasis are hotly disputed by several groups and organizations in
India and by western academics.[2][3][4][5]
In modern India the tradition has become associated with commercial sexual
exploitation, as described in a recent report by the National Human Rights
Commission of the Government of India.[6]
According to this report, “after initiation as devadasis, women migrate
either to nearby towns or other far-off cities to practise prostitution”
(p200). A study from 1990 recorded that 45.9% of devadasis in one particular
district were prostitutes, while most the rest relied on manual labour and
agriculture for their income.[7]
The practice of dedicating devadasis was declared illegal by the Government of
Karnataka in 1982[8]
and the Government of Andhra Pradesh in 1988. However the practice is still
prevalent in around 10 districts of north Karnataka and 14 districts in Andhra
Pradesh.[9]}.The
high regard with which they were previously held has deteriorated in recent
years due to their association with prostitution, and the practice has started
to disappear.[10]
Devadasis are also known by various other local terms. They are sometimes
referred to as a caste;
however, some question the accuracy of this usage. “According to the
devadasis themselves there exists a devadasi ‘way of life’ or ‘professional
ethic’ (vritti, murai) but not a devadasi jāti sub-caste. Later, the office of devadasi became hereditary
but it did not confer the right to work without adequate qualification”
(Amrit Srinivasan, 1985).
[edit] Origin
[edit] Ancient
and medieval history
Originally, devadasis were celibate all their life.[11]
Reference to dancing girls in temples is found in Kalidasa‘s
“Meghadhoot”. It is said that dancing girls were present at the time
of worship in the Mahakal Temple of Ujjain. Some scholars are of
the opinion that probably the custom of dedicating girls to temples became
quite common in the 6th century CE, as most of the Puranas
containing reference to it have been written during this period. Several
Puranas recommended that arrangements should be made to enlist the services of
singing girls for worship at temples.
By the end of 10th century, the total number of devadasis in many temples
was in direct proportion to the wealth and prestige of the temple. During the
medieval period, they were regarded as a part of the normal establishment of
temples; they occupied a rank next only to priests and their
number often reached high proportions. For example, there were 400 devadasis
attached to the temples at Tanjore and Travancore.
Local kings often invited temple dancers to dance in their courts, the
occurrence of which created a new category of dancers, rajadasis, and modified the technique and themes of the
recitals. A devadasi had to satisfy her own soul while she danced unwatched and
offered herself to the god, but the rajadasi’s dance was meant to be an
entertainment.
The popularity of devadasis seems to have reached its pinnacle around 10th
and 11th century CE. The rise and fall in the status of devadasis can be seen
to be running parallel to the rise and fall of Hindu temples.
Invaders from West Asia attained their first victory in India at the beginning
of the second millennium CE. The destruction of temples by invaders started
from the northwestern borders of the country and spread through the whole of
the country. Thereafter the status of the temples fell very quickly in North India
and slowly in South India. As the temples became poorer and lost
their patron kings, and in some cases were destroyed, the devadasis were forced
into a life of poverty,
misery, and, in some cases, prostitution.
[edit] Kaikolar
Devadasis in South India and the Chola empire
Traditionally, one girl in every family from the Sengunthar/
Kaikolar
caste was set apart to be dedicated to temple service and becomes a Devadasi
(meaning female servant of god). In the temple, the girl is considered married
to the temple deity and she learns traditional music and dancing.[12][13]
The Kaikolars also called as Sengundar, are a large Tamil
and Telugu
socially backward caste[14][15] of weavers in the states of Tamil Nadu,
Andhra
Pradesh in southern India. Their name comes from a mythical hero and from
the words “kai” (hand) and “kol” (shuttle or spear). They
consider the different parts of the loom to represent various gods and sages.
They are also known as Sengundar, which means a red dagger, which is
traced to the legend of the earth being harassed by demons, which led to the
people asking the god Shiva to help them. He was furious with the demonic
giants and sent six sparks from his eyes. Parvati, his wife became frightened
and retired to her chamber but dropped nine beads from her anklets. Shiva
converted those beads into nine women, each giving birth to a hero, complete
with moustache and daggers. These nine led by Subramanya, with a large army
destroyed the demons. Kaikolars or Sengundar claim descent from one of the nine
heroes. There are seventy-two subdivisions (nadu or desams). The Kaikolar
Devadasis identify themselves with the the Kaikolar/ Sengunthar who are weavers
and were militarised during the Chola empire into the “Terinja-Kaikolar-Padai”
(meaning “known soldiers” or “personal bodyguards” in Tamil)[13]
During the Vijayanagar empire the Kaikkolas dedicated their women as
devadasis to enjoy special privileges. (Text Quoted from article: At least
one woman in every Kaikkola household was, according to age-old tradition dedicated
to the temple as a devaradiyar or devadasi. The devaradiyar enjoyed special
privileges in the days of the Vijayanagar empire and were the only women
permitted a direct audience with the king.[13] This research article describes how a devaradiyar or devadasi
won special privileges for the Kaikkolas from the King Deva Raya II (A.D 1433)[13][16]
Another reference book Donors, Devotees, and Daughters of God. Temple
Women in Medieval Tamilnadu by Leslie C. Orr. gives ample references to
inscriptions regarding the Kaikkolars being Devadasis in Tanjore temples during
the Chola empire
and the way the Devadasis helped the Kaikkolas rise to power in the Chola empire.
[edit] Mahari
Devadasi of Orissa
Devadasi is a name given to a group of women who danced in the temple
premises. The word Devadasi or Mahari means “those great women who can
control natural human impulses, their five senses and can submit themselves
completely to God (Vachaspati).” Mahari means Mohan Nari that is, the
woman belonging to God. Sri Chaitanayadev had defined Devadasis as ‘Sebaets’
who served God through dance and music. Pankaj Charan Das, the oldest Guru of
Odissi classical dance, who comes from a Mahari family, explains Mahari as Maha
Ripu -Ari (one who conquers the five main ripus – enemies ). [17]
The beginning the decline of the Mahari tradition started with the Muslim
invasion of Orissa in 14th century. They were exploited and for the first time
the Purdah system appeared, ostensibly to guard the women-folk. The gradual
degeneration of the Devadasi tradition, which had started since the attack of
Sultan Shah in 1360 A.D. continued. This was because the social, cultural &
political scene was changing rapidly and women, in general, were losing their
independence and power.
The Orissa Gazette of 1956 lists 9 Devadasis and 11 temple musicians. By
1980, only 4 Devadasis were left – Harapriya, Kokilprabha, Paroshmoni and
Shashimoni. Now only Shashimoni and Paroshmoni are alive. The daily ritualistic
dance had stopped long ago. Now this twosome serve in a few of the yearly
temple rituals like Nabakalebar, Nanda Utsav and Duar Paka during Bahura jatra.[18]
The Orissa Gazette of 1956 mentions some occasions where the Devadasis
danced. They had two daily rituals. The bahar gaunis would dance at the Sakhala
Dhupa. Lord Jagannath, after breakfast, would give Darshan to the bhaktas, the
devotees. In the main hall, a Devadasi accompanied by musicians and the
Rajguru, the court guru, would dance, standing near the Garuda sthambha. This
dance could be watched by the audience. They would perform only pure dance
here. The bhitar gauni would sing at the Badashringhar, the main ceremony for
ornamenting and dressing the God. Lord Jagannath, at bedtime, would be first
served by male Sebaets- they would fan Him and decorate Him with flowers. After
they would leave, a bhitar gauni would then enter the room, stand near the door
(Jaya Bijay) and sing Geetagovinda songs, and perhaps perform a ritualistic
dance. After a while, she would come out and announce that the Lord has gone to
sleep and then the guard would close the main gate.
The banning of the devadasi system has not done away with prostitution in
India nor has it stopped poor parents from selling their girl child to
procurers. [19]
[edit] Yellamma
cult of Karnataka in South India
In the state of Karnataka in the region of South India the devadasi system
was followed for over 10 centuries. The chief among them was the Yellamma cult [20].
The stories seem to indicate that in the state of Karnataka devadasis originated
from Brahmin women who were thrown out of their homes by their husbands.
There are many stories about the origin of the Yellamma cult. The most
prevalent one says that Renuka was the daughter of a Brahmin, married to sage
Jamadagni and was the mother of five sons. She used to bring water from the
river Malaprabha for the sage’s worship and rituals. One day while she was at
the river, she saw a group of youths engaged themselves in water sports and
forgot to return home in time which made Jamadagni to suspect her chastity. He
ordered his sons one by one to punish their mother but four of them refused on
one pretext or the other. The sage cursed them to become eunuchs and got her
beheaded by his fifth son, Parashuram. To everybody’s astonishment, Renuka’s
head multiplied by tens and hundreds and moved to different regions. This
miracle made her four eunuch sons and others to become her followers, and
worship her head. [21].
The followers of Yellamma, who are mostly poor, and illiterate, take a vow
to dedicate themselves, their spouses, or their children in the service of
Goddess Yellamma when they are unable to face the hardships of life. The
typical situations include life-threatening diseases, infertility, and dire
financial troubles. These are the people who are primarily responsible for
propagating Goddess Yellamma’s virtues and achievements and glorify the
Goddess. An elaborate ceremony is held in order to initiate the Jogathis
(female) and Jogappa (male) volunteers in the service of Goddess Yellamma. New
followers have to bathe in three holy ponds and proceed to the head priest
accompanied by community elders and other members of the family. The priests
give them a long sermon on what they have to do please Yellamma. They have to
identify themselves with the very poor and unfortunate ones and serve the
society. At least twice a year they have to visit the Yellamma shrine on full
moon days to express and confirm their obedience. During this semi-annual
ritual, they have to observe preferably total nudity. If not, they have to
cover their bodies with Neem foliage or scanty clothes. Such rituals,
especially in the last decade, have become heavily publicized events due to the
oversexed youngsters and tourists who gather around such pilgrimage centers to
have glimpses of nude and semi-nude human bodies. [22].
[edit] Colonial
era
Toward the end of the 19th century, there was a spurt of social movements in
India. Nationalism
and search for national identity led to social movements relating to devadasis.
These movements can be classified into two categories: Reformists/Abolitionists
and Revivalists.
[edit] Reformists
and abolitionists
Reformists and Abolitionists, under the pressure of the European Christian
priests and missionaries, conceived of the devadasi practice as a social evil
and considered every Devadasi to be a prostitute. The first anti-nautch and
anti-dedication movement was launched in 1882. “Their main aim was to do
away with this system. Reform lobbyists were drawn mainly from missionaries,
doctors, journalists
and social
workers. They urged the abolition of all ceremonies and procedures by which
young girls dedicated themselves as Devadasis of Hindu shrines. They organized
seminars and conferences to create a public opinion against the Devadasi
system. In the later part of 1892 an appeal was made to the Viceroy and
Governor General of India and to the Governor of Madras. This appeal also
defines the position of the anti-nautch movement” (Jogan Shankar, 1990).
For the reform lobbyists— Christian missionaries, doctors, journalists,
administrators and social workers— strongly influenced by Christian morality
and religion, it was precisely these features of the devadasi institution which
were reprehensible in the utmost. The portrayal of the devadasi system as
“prostitution” sought to advertise the grotesqueness of the subject
population for political ends, while the British colonial authorities
officially maintained most brothels in India. For those who supported
imperialism on the grounds of its “civilizing” function, programs of
reform were not without their ideological rewards.
Some journals and newspapers like The Indian Social Reformer and Lahore
Purity Servant supported the Reformist or Abolitionist movement. The
movement initially concentrated on building public opinion and enlisting
members to refuse to attend nautch parties as well as to refuse to invite
devadasis to festivities at their homes. Around 1899, the anti-nautch and
puritan movement turned its attention to stopping dedications. The anti-nautch
movement paved the way for anti-dedication movement.
The social reform movements, spearheaded by Ram
Mohan Roy, Periyar,
Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, Govind Ranade, Dhondo Keshav Karve, and other prominent social
thinkers, questioned the practice of devadasi system and pleaded for its
abolition.
[edit] Revivalists
The revival movement consciously stepped outside the requirements of state
electoral politics and western scientific traditions. The movement received
strong support from the Theosophical Society of India, whose
anti-official stance and strong interest in Indian home rule bound them with
the revival of dance and music.
Pioneers like Madam H.P. Blavatsky and Colonel H.S. Olcott, the founders of the Theosophical
movement, had undertaken an extensive tour of South India and propagated the
revival of devadasi institutions and the associated art of sadir. They gained support from all sections of the native
elite by their public denouncement of western Christian morality and
materialism. In 1882, the Theosophical Society of India had set up its
headquarters in Adyar, Chennai with the
set goal of working towards the restoration of India’s ancient glory in art, science, and philosophy.
The support later given to a revival of sadir as Bharatnatyam by the Theosophical
Society was largely due to the efforts of Rukmini Devi Arundale, an eminent theosophist
herself. She took up the cause of evolution of sadir and Bharatnatyam,
another traditional dance.
The Theosophical Society provided the necessary
funds and organization to back Arundale as the champion for India’s renaissance
in the arts, especially Bharatnatyam. The revivalists tried to present the
idealistic view of the institution of devadasi. According to their view, it was
the model of the ancient temple dancer as pure, sacred, and chaste
women, as they were originally.
They stressed that the dance of devadasi was a form of “natya yoga”
to enhance an individual’s spiritual plane. The revivalists wanted to preserve
the traditional form of sadir dance by purifying it. As a consequence of
purification, some modifications were introduced into the content of the dance,
which was strongly criticized by dancer Balasaraswati
and other prominent representatives of the traditional devadasi culture. The
revivalists mostly belonged to Brahmin dominated Theosophical circles. Many
Brahmin girls started to learn the dance from devadasis.
In contrast to the abolitionist portrayal of devadasis as prostitutes, the
revivalists sketched them as nuns in order to defend and legitimize the institution. Still
others claim that a devadasi was neither a prostitute nor a nun: “She was
a professional artist who did not suppress or deny her feminine skills.
Devadasi women kept classical dance forms, like Bharatnatyam and Odisee, alive
for centuries.”
[edit] Legislative
initiatives
The first legal initiative to outlaw the devadasi system dates back to the
1934 Bombay Devadasi Protection Act. This
act pertained to the Bombay province as it existed in the British Raj.
The Bombay Devadasi Protection Act made dedication of women illegal, whether
consensual or not. According to this act, marriage by a devadasi was to be
considered lawful and valid, and the children from such wedlock were to
be treated as legitimate. The Act also laid down grounds for punitive action
that could be taken against any person or persons found to be involved in
dedications, except the woman who was being dedicated. Those found guilty of
such acts could face a year’s imprisonment, a fine, or both. The 1934 Act also
provided rules, which were aimed at protecting the interests of the devadasis.
Whenever there was a dispute over ownership of land involving a devadasi, the
local Collector was expected to intervene.
In 1947, the year of independence, the Madras Devadasi Prevention of
Dedication Act outlawed dedication in the southern province now known as Karnataka.
[edit] Devadasi
practices
A
photograph of two Devadasis taken in 1920s in Tamilnadu, South India
The devadasi practices have changed considerably over the last centuries. Amrit Srinivasan has described devadasi practices
in Tamilnadu:
Traditionally the young devadasi underwent a ceremony of dedication to the
deity of the local temple which resembled in its ritual structure the upper
caste Tamil marriage ceremony. Following this ceremony, she was set apart from
her non-dedicated sisters in that she was not permitted to marry and her
celibate or unmarried status was legal in customary terms. Significantly,
however she was not prevented from leading a normal life involving sex with individuals of
her choice and childbearing. The very rituals which marked and confirmed her
incorporation into temple service also committed her to the rigorous emotional
and physical training in the classical dance, her hereditary profession. In
addition, they served to advertise in a perfectly open and public manner her
availability for sexual liaisons with a proper patron and protector. Very often
in fact, the costs of temple dedication were met by a man who wished thus to
anticipate a particular devadasi’s favours after she had attained puberty. It was
crucially a women’s ‘dedicated’ status which made it a symbol of social
prestige and privilege to maintain her. The devadasi’s sexual partner was always
chosen by ‘arrangement’ with her mother and grandmother acting as prime movers
in the veto system. Alliance with a Muslim, a Christian, or
a lower caste was
forbidden while a Brahmin
or member of the royal elite was preferred for the good breeding and/or wealth
he would bring into the family. The non-domestic nature of the contract was an
understood part of the agreement with the devadasi owing the man neither any
householding services nor her offspring. The children in turn could not hope to
make any legal claim on the ancestral property of their father whom they met
largely in their mother’s home when he came to visit.
[edit] Reasons
for dedication in modern times
Even though the majority of the girls dedicated in the past few years or
decades come from families with no tradition of devadasis, all of them come
from communities with a strong history of the practice. For example, a village
named Yellampura in Karnataka, 95 percent of households of Holers have
practicing devadasis, which is the highest percentage in the village, followed
by Madars.
The system has an obvious economic basis. The sanctions provided by social
custom and apparently by religion, combined with economic pressures, have
pushed girls from poor families into becoming the wives of a deity. The three
factors (religious, social, and economic) are interlinked.
In a 1993 study, Asha Ramesh found that:
Dedication to the Goddess or God was justified on the following grounds:
(a) If the parents were childless, they vowed to dedicate their first child if
it happened to be girl.
(b) If there were no sons in the family, the girl child was dedicated and could
not marry as she becomes a ‘son’ for the family (earning the family’s
livelihood).
Yet another economic reason contributed to the dedications. If the girl’s
family had some property, the family ensured that it stayed within the family
by turning the girl into ‘son’ by dedicating her.
[edit] Dedication
process
From the late medieval period until 1910, the Pottukattu or tali-tying
dedication ceremony, was a widely advertised community event requiring the full
cooperation of the local religious authorities. It initiates the a young girl
into the devadasi profession and is performed in the temple by the priest. In
the Brahminical tradition marriage is viewed as the only religious initiation
(diksha) permissible to women. Thus the dedication is a symbolic
“marriage” of the pubescent girl to the temple’s deity.
In the sadanku or puberty ceremonies, the devadasi-initiate consummates her
marriage with an emblem of the god borrowed from the temple as a stand-in ‘bridegroom‘.
In practice this often means that the priest will have sexual intercourse with the devadasi in addition
to the other nuptial rites that are performed at a typical Brahmin wedding.
For instance, auspicious wedding songs celebrating sexual union are sung before
the “couple”. From then onward, the devadasi is considered a nitya
sumangali: a woman eternally free from the adversity of widowhood.
She would then perform her ritual and artistic duties in the temple. The
puberty ceremonies were an occasion not only for temple honor, but also for
community feasting and celebration in which the local elites also participated.
The music and dance and public display of the girl also helped to attract
patrons.
[edit] Life
after dedication
A devadasi’s life after dedication was obviously very different centuries
ago. Nowadays
After dedication of a girl to the temple, she has to take bath every day
early in the morning and should present herself at the temple during morning
worship of Yellamma.
She is not allowed to enter the sanctum sanctorum. But she will bow to the
deity from outside. Thereafter she sweeps compound of the temple. Every Tuesday
and Friday she goes for yoga along with senior jogatis (yoga teachers). During
this period she learns innumerable songs in praise of Yellamma and her son
Parashurama. If she shows some aptitude to learn playing instruments she will
be given training by her elder jogatis. In Yellampura and other villages
Devadasis do not dance but this is performed by eunuch companions. The main
functions of Devadasis would be singing and playing stringed musical
instruments and Jagate. They form a small group and go for joga, from house to
house on every Tuesday and Friday (Jogan Shankar, 1990).
These religious duties are uncontested and are a widely celebrated part of
the life of the devadasi temple servant.
[edit] Sexual
Aspects
Although the original devadasis were brahmacharis
their entire life, even the contemporary sexual aspects of the rituals that
accompany dedication are now considered by many Hindus to be exploitative and
not mandatory. Nevertheless this practice continues unabated in some places
where a devadasi would usually acquire a “patron” after her deflowering ceremony. Patronship in a majority
of cases is achieved at the time of the dedication ceremony itself. The patron
who secures this right of spending the first night with the girl can pay a
fixed sum of money to maintain a permanent liaison with the devadasi, pay to
maintain a relationship for a fixed amount of time, or terminate the liaison
after the deflowering ceremony. A permanent liaison with a patron does not bar
the girl from entertaining other clients, unless he specifies otherwise. In
case the girl entertains, other men have to leave the girl’s house when her
patron comes.
[edit] Social
Status
Traditionally, no stigma was attached to the devadasi or to her children,
and other members of their caste received them on terms of equality. The
children of a devadasi enjoyed legitimacy and devadasis themselves were
outwardly indistinguishable from married women of their own community.
Furthermore, a devadasi was believed to be immune from widowhood and was
called akhanda saubhagyavati. Since she was wedded to a divine deity,
she was supposed to be one of the especially welcome guests at weddings, and
was regarded as bearer of fortune. At weddings, people would get a string of
the tali (wedding lock) prepared by her and she threaded on it a few beads from
her own necklace.
The presence of a devadasi on any religious occasion in the house of an upper
caste member was regarded as sacred and she was treated with due respect and was
presented with gifts.
[edit] Additional
information
[edit] Statistical
data
India’s National Commission for Women, which is mandated to protect and
promote the welfare of women, has collected information on the prevalence of
devadasis in various states. The government of Orissa has stated
that the devadasi system is not prevalent in the state. There is only one
Devadasi in Orissa, in a Puri temple. Similarly the government of Tamil Nadu
wrote that this system has been eradicated and there are now no devadasis in
the state. Andhra Pradesh has identified 16,624 devadasis
within its state and Karnataka has identified 22,941. The government of Maharashtra
did not provide the information as sought by the Commission. However, the state
government provided statistical data regarding the survey conducted by them to
sanction a “Devadasi Maintenance Allowance”. A total of 8,793
applications were received and after conducting a survey 6,314 were rejected
and 2,479 devadasis were declared eligible for the allowance. At the time of
sending the information, 1,432 Devadasis were receiving this allowance.
In Andhra Pradesh, devadasi practice is prevalent in Karimnagar,
Warangal, Nizamabad, Mahaboobnagar, Kurnool, Hyderabad, Ananthapur,
Medak, Adilabad, Chittoor, Rangareddy,
Nellore, Nalgonda, and Srikakulam.
In Karnataka, the practice has been found to exist in Raichur, Bijapur,
Belgaum, Dharwad, Bellari and Gulbarga. In Maharashtra, the devadasi practice exists in Pune, Sholapur, Kolhapur, Sangli, Mumbai, Lathur, Usmanabad, Satara, Sindhudurg and Nanded.
[edit] References
^ Damian Grammaticas
(2007-06-08). Slaves to the
goddess of fertility (English). BBC
News. Retrieved on 2007–06-18.
^ Crooke, W.,
Prostitution?, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. X, Eds., James
Hastings and Clark Edinburg, Second Impression, 1930.
^ Iyer, L.A.K, Devadasis
in South India: Their Traditional Origin And Development, Man in India,
Vol.7, No. 47, 1927.
^ http://www.hinduwebsite.com/hinduism/h_prostitution.asp
^ Donors,
Devotees, and Daughters of God: Temple Women in Medieval Tamil NaduLeslie
C. Orre
^ P.M. Nair, IPS (July
18, 2004). “A Report on
Trafficking in Women and Children in India 2002-2003“.
National Human Rights Commission, Government of India. Retrieved on [[2007–01-31]].
^ Jogan Shankar (2004).
“Devadasi Cult – A Sociological Analysis (Second Revised Edition)“.
New Delhi – Ashish Publishing House.
^ (February 2, 1982) “Devadasis
(Prohibition of Dedication) Act, 1982“. Karmataka Gazette IV-2A (Extraordinary) No. 75. Retrieved
on [[2007–01-31]].
^ “`Project
Combat’ launched to eradicate `Devadasi’ system“, The Hindu, 2006–01-30.
Retrieved on 2007–01-31.
^ Devadasi. (2007). In
Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved July 4, 2007, from Encyclopædia
Britannica
^
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